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  • EU Leaders Looking East for Trade Pacts

    Patrick Messerlin , professor of economics at the Institut d' Etudes Politiques de Paris, thinks European leaders are right to look to Asia to build new trade agreements. Trade liberalization, Messerlin says, are the right prescription for Europe's stunted economic growth. But new trade agreements must be with the right partners. And you might be surprised as to which Asian economies Messerlin argues make the right partners for the EU. From Vox : The first question focuses on the ‘growth’ dimension of trade policy. Preferential trade agreements will only be able to boost domestic growth if the economies of the EU’s preferential trade agreements partners fulfil three main conditions. They should be big enough to generate economies of scale and scope capable of having a substantial impact on the EU’s relative prices – changes in relative prices are the source of welfare gains. They should also be well regulated because modern economies are intensive in norms and dominated by services, the efficiency of which depend largely on the quality of the regulatory schemes in place. Finally, they should have a wide network of good-quality preferential trade agreements, capable of offering EU firms opportunities to access the economies already covered by those preferential trade agreements (the ‘hub’ quality) without waiting for longish negotiations with the EU. As Table 1 shows, Japan and Taiwan – apart from the US – are the only economies in the world that meet these three conditions since the EU already has a free trade agreement with South Korea. China (possibly India in the long run, but not Brazil or Russia) may offer better growth opportunities when it comes to size. But, it still scores poorly on regulatory quality, while Japan and Taiwan score better than many EU member states. When it comes to the ‘hub’ criterion, Japan has a wide network of preferential trade agreements in east Asia (a region that EU negotiators are very slow to negotiate with) while Taiwan has massive operations in China which have been recently strengthened by a key preferential trade agreement, making Taiwan a privileged hub with respect to China. The capacity of Japan and Taiwan to meet all three conditions indicates the need for a resolute EU pivot to east Asia – an outcome echoed by general equilibrium calculations (Kawasaki 2011). Read The much-needed EU pivot to east Asia here .
  • Marketplace Whiteboard: 'Why a currency war could hurt you'

    Marketplace 's Paddy Hirsch is back at the Whiteboard . This time he's trying to get us to understand how currency wars affect us all. As usual, he removes the wonk from the discussion. This time using a story of sibling rivalry, honey, and the US-Canada border:
  • WSJ: Why Most Euro Area Citizens Don't Want to Break Up With the Euro

    While the euro has been much maligned in the media, most citizens in euro area nations are reluctant to turn back from the currency. The Wall Street Journal 's Alessandra Galloni reports that many Europeans see the shared currency as a hedge against some corruption, and as important for civic, if not purely economic reasons:
  • Vox: 'Was the currency war inevitable?'

    Writing at VoxEU , Simon J Evenett --Professor of International Trade, University of St. Gallen in Switzerland-likens a currency war to a "rash" likely to break out depending on how policy makers respond to a global recession. But does that make currency wars inevitable? Evenett writes: Is it possible to design an economic recovery package that takes account of the lessons of history while doing the least possible harm – even potentially benefiting – foreign trading partners? For sure some won’t like this question, reasoning no doubt as follows: when (not if) monetary easing leads to economic recovery, the associated expansion in corporate and personal spending will increase demand for foreign goods and services – so in the long run everything will be hunky dory for trading partners, even with monetary easing. Still, the question is a good one because if there are plausible alternatives then (a) maybe the currency war was not inevitable or (b) the decisions not to pursue these policy alternatives points to underappreciated causes of the currency war. Taking as given that the effect of monetary easing on the exchange rate will harm, at least in the short run, foreign trading partners, what other complementary measures could have been taken to limit international tensions? One such measure would have been to combine monetary easing with expansionary fiscal policy. To the extent that the latter directly or indirectly (through supply chains, the demand for commodities, parts, and components, and induced private-sector capital formation) increased demand for imports then this would have offset, possibly fully, the impact of any currency depreciation by industrialised countries. Seen in this light, no wonder trading partners were worried that currency devaluations that accompanied austerity measures (restrictive fiscal policy) in industrialised economies further harmed their commercial interests. The adoption of austerity measures from 2010 closed the door on policy measures that could have mitigated the international tensions created by go-it-alone monetary easing by in the industrialised countries. There are other ways to bolster demand for foreign goods and services. Another road not taken in recent years was far-reaching trade and investment reforms, which would have provided a fillip to trade partners harmed by adverse currency movements. It is difficult to see how a package of extensive trade reform and monetary easing could have been received worse by trading partners than what actually came to pass. This is not the place to recount the trials and tribulations of completing the Doha Round, but it is worth noting that the unwillingness to further integrate the world markets has exacerbated today currency war. Read Root causes of currency wars here .
  • Knowledge@Wharton: 'Did Japan Just Spark a Currency War?'

    When the G20 meets later this week, avoiding a currency war will be one of the top issues for discussion . With Japan lowering the value of the yen, European nations are highly concerned that an artificially high euro (not just against the yen, but also against a relatively weak dollar) is exacerbating economic distress in the Euro Zone. In an interview with Knowledge@Wharton , Wharton School finance professor Franklin Allen explains how the actions of Japan's leaders might affect economies from Brazil to Russia:
  • German Exports Set to Hit Record High

    There seemed to be no bright lights for European economies in 2012. But perhaps we were not looking closely enough at what was happening in some of the EU's stronger economies, like Germany. While we were watching Angela Merkel and German citizens struggle with how debt crises in Greece and Spain and Italy would affect everyone in the Euro Zone, German exports, apparently, were doing quite well. From Der Spiegel : In the first 11 months of 2012, exports grew 4.3 percent to €1.018 trillion ($1.335 trillion), the Federal Statistics Office said. Stagnant sales to the rest of the European Union contrasted with a 10.4 percent jump in exports to non-EU nations. Separately, the Federation of German Wholesale, Foreign Trade and Services (BGA) said it expects the value of exports to have reached €1.103 trillion in 2012 as a whole, a four percent rise over 2011, when they exceeded the €1 trillion level for the first time. It also forecast slightly stronger export growth of 5 percent in 2013, to €1.16 trillion. Still, exports weakened at the end of 2012, pulled down by slumping demand in Europe, Germany's biggest market. Some key questions emerge from this report: 1) What does this tell us for the overall global impact of a declining Europe? 2) What role does the weakened value of the euro play in increasing sales of German exports in the U.S., Brazil, China? 3) What might the impact of continuing growth of German exports be on other European economies? Read the full article here .
  • WSJ: How the Euro Survived

    There are still a few days of 2012 left, but it seems safe to say that reports of the euro's death, to paraphrase Mark Twain, "have been greatly exaggerated." The currency remains in tact, and all members of the Euro Zone are currently sticking with it. Wall Street Journal Brussels bureau chief Stephen Fidler gives credit to ECB president Mario Draghi for staying true to his word and keeping the euro going.
  • What East Asia Can Learn About Financial Integration From Euro Crisis

    We understand that what happens in Europe affects economies around the globe, so it is not unusual to see an economist in Asia imploring his regional neighbors to pay attention to the Euro crisis. But Jong-Wha Lee , professor of economics at Korea University and special adviser to the president of South Korea, focuses on a different aspect of the crisis than what Europe's declining purchasing power means for Asian exports. He wants Asian policymakers to focus on the long-term lessons of financial integration in Europe. From Project Syndicate : In fact, East Asian countries are unlikely to move toward a regional fixed exchange-rate system or a monetary union with a single currency in the immediate future, owing to the region’s great diversity in terms of economic and political conditions. Perhaps, in a few decades, the region’s countries will develop institutions to promote financial integration, such as a single bank supervisory agency of the type that the European Union is now creating. Nevertheless, Asian policymakers should improve cooperation mechanisms designed to prevent and manage crises. Most promising is the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM) of the ASEAN+3 – the 10 members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations plus China, Japan, and South Korea. This $120 billion regional reserve pool was launched in 2010 to provide short-term liquidity to members in an emergency. The ASEAN+3 is now strengthening the CMIM by doubling the total fund size to $240 billion. The group also agreed to enhance the CMIM’s flexibility by reducing the minimum portion of crisis lending to be tied to the International Monetary Fund’s lending program from 80% to 70%. The CMIM has yet to be tested in a crisis. In its infancy, it might not be able to provide adequate emergency support in a timely and flexible manner. The $240 billion fund is small, amounting to only about 1.5% of the region’s GDP. European experience suggests that large-scale systemic shocks call for greater financial support. Read Euro Lessons for East Asia here .
  • Why European Policymakers are Paying Close Attention to the 'Fiscal Cliff' in the U.S.

    The OECD's relatively positive economic outlook , released earlier this week, presented Europe's struggles as much more worrying for the potential of the global economy than the fiscal cliff threat in the U.S. But as Dow Jones 's Nick Hastings reports, the two are not totally unrelated. Should policymakers in the U.S. not come to some agreement, then Europe is likely to feel a lot of economic pain:
  • Potholes on the Road Toward Greater European Integration

    Leading German economist Hans-Werner Sinn counts himself among those post-war Europeans who saw a more unified Europe--"the idea of a United States of Europe"--as an ideal step toward lasting stability. But, writing at Project Syndicate , Sinn shares concern that some centralized European institutions, like the European Central Bank, are taking steps that build greater rifts, rather than unity, among member states. Perhaps the idea of a United States of Europe, the dream of post-war children like me, can never be realized. But I am not so sure. After all, deeper European integration and the creation of a single political system offer solid, practical advantages that do not require a common identity or language. These advantages include the right to move freely across borders, the free movement of goods and services, legal certainty for cross-border economic activities, Europe-wide transportation infrastructure, and, not least, common security arrangements. Banking regulation is the most topical area in which collective action makes sense. If banks are regulated at the national level, but do business internationally, national regulatory authorities have a permanent incentive to set lax standards to avoid driving business to other countries and to lure it from them instead. Regulatory competition thus degenerates into a race to the bottom, since the benefits of lax regulation translate into profits at home, while the losses lie with bank creditors around the world. There are many similar examples from the fields of standards, competition policy, and taxation that are applicable here. So, fundamental considerations speak for deeper European integration, extending even to the creation of a single European state. Comments making bodies not only provide services that are useful to everybody, but also may abuse their power to redistribute resources among the participating countries. Even democratic bodies are not immune to this danger. On the contrary, they make it possible for majorities to exploit minorities. To counter this threat, democratic bodies invariably need special rules to protect minorities, such as the requirement of qualified majority voting or unanimous decision-making. Read Europe's Path to Disunity here .
  • 'Chronic Uncertainty' Slowing Business in Europe

    Humans do not handle uncertainty well. So Europe's struggles has a lot of us nervous, in large part because we are having a difficult time figuring out potential scenarios for positive resolution. Europe's businesses have been affected greatly by the uncertainty, according to John Thanassoulis , a lecturer in the Oxford University Economics Department. Thanassoulis has been looking at the impact of the Euro Crisis on businesses in Europe, and he finds they are suffering from a sort of economic inertia and are highly reluctant to take any risks. Thanassoulis shared his findings with The Economist 's Peter Collins :
  • World Economic Forum: 'Scenarios for the Future of the International Monetary System'

    As the global economy evolves, the globe's leading economies become more and more interconnected. Surely this has some impact on global currencies--with a focus on the dollar,yuan, and euro. Last year the World Economic Forum embarked on a study of the international monetary system. This study has resulted in a new report on the uncertainties that exist for global currencies and the potential scenarios for the future. Here is a video that sums up the findings of, and some of the key questions raised in, the report: Read Euro, Dollar, Yuan Uncertainties Scenarios on the Future of the International Monetary System here .
  • Europe another Lehman?

    In his latest column for the New York Times Magazine , Planet Money 's Adam Davidson welcomes us all back from summer vacations with a reminder that the Euro Crisis has not been solved. And he provides quick primers on seven key questions that are lurking. We were struck most by #4: Is Europe a Lehman in waiting? About 20 percent of U.S. foreign trade is with the E.U. That’s significant, but if the European economy collapses, it’s quite likely that China, India, Brazil and several gulf states will pick up much of the slack. And a truly collapsed euro would mean discounts on everything from French wine to Italian shoes to Greek yogurt. More worrying is if a) the euro zone faces an abrupt financial panic, and b) it turns out that many American banks are overly invested in those suddenly defunct European banks. There is a general assumption that U.S. banks are prepared for the worst. But many in the financial world thought they were prepared for the collapse of Lehman Brothers too. Read The Euro Crisis Is Back From Vacation here .
  • Wolfson Economics Prize Winning Plan for a Eurozone Exit

    We have seen a lot of speculation over Greece leaving the eurozone. But we are not clear on how a country would go about such an exit. Roger Bootle , of the Biritish financial consultancy firm Capital Economics, has a plan in mind. In fact, he and his colleagues won a tidy sum for their plan, as it won the Wolfson Economics Prize . Bootle explains what he thinks is the best way for an EU state to leave the eurozone--and spark economic growth in the process--to The Economist 's Paul Wallace :
  • Draghi: 'Euro area is much, much stronger than people acknowledge'

    Mario Draghi has had a challenging eight months as president of the European Central Bank . But to hear him speak yesterday from the Global Investment Conference in London one would think him quite the optimist. Draghi laid out the case for the euro in spite of all the drag on the currency from debt-ridden nations in the euro zone. If you compare today the euro area member states with six months ago, you will see that the world is entirely different today, and for the better. And this progress has taken different shapes. At national level, because of course, while I was saying, while I was glorifying the merits of the euro, you were thinking “but that’s an average!”, and “in fact countries diverge so much within the euro area, that averages are not representative any longer, when the variance is so big”. But I would say that over the last six months, this average, well the variances tend to decrease and countries tend to converge much more than they have done in many years - both at national level, in countries like Portugal, Ireland and countries that are not in the programme, like Spain and Italy. The progress in undertaking deficit control, structural reforms has been remarkable. And they will have to continue to do so. But the pace has been set and all the signals that we get is that they don’t relent, stop reforming themselves. It’s a complex process because for many years, very little was done – I will come to this in a moment. But a lot of progress has been done at supranational level. That’s why I always say that the last summit was a real success. The last summit was a real success because for the first time in many years, all the leaders of the 27 countries of Europe, including UK etc., said that the only way out of this present crisis is to have more Europe, not less Europe. A Europe that is founded on four building blocks: a fiscal union, a financial union, an economic union and a political union. These blocks, in two words – we can continue discussing this later – mean that much more of what is national sovereignty is going to be exercised at supranational level, that common fiscal rules will bind government actions on the fiscal side. Read the full speech here .
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